Although polls indicate Lula as a possible winner in 2022, I have been following repercussions from former Lula voters who claim never to vote for him again. These, disappointed, voted for Bolsonaro in 2018 and were also disillusioned. Many will increase the numbers of abstentions in the next elections, further reducing the legitimacy of the Brazilian electoral process.

Disillusioned, disappointed and deceived by right and left, voters no longer seek a solution in political circles.

Normally, in similar occasions of stalemate of the electorate, several countries tend to artificially create a third way that leads the people back to the polls, taking them to the path desired by those who direct politics, as occurred in Chile, for example, where it was stamped the expression “Chilean Kerensky” for the third way candidate who took the country back to communist Allende.

What is the “Kerensky” effect on politics?

The answer is given very clearly by Fábio Vidigal Xavier da Silveira in his study “Frei o Kerensky Chileano” published by the magazine “Catolicismo” No. 238 in October 1970: the function of a Third Way candidate is “to serve as head of government that, already socialist, makes the transition from an order contrary to Marxism to a totally Marxist structure.”

It is said in the Brazilian press that Sérgio Moro’s thinking is on the left. In his campaign, which is currently growing and is already threatening several candidates, he presents himself as anti-corruption . This does not necessarily define a candidate from the left or from the right , as he may be anti-corruption but favor the destruction of the principle of private property, family rights, etc., leftist theses, for example. It may also be favorable to the maintenance of a totalitarian and controlling State (so dear to supporters of the left or right).

Its anti-corruption banner does not go beyond the limits that should actually define its political profile.

Sérgio Moro has been stoned by Bolsonaro and Lula, causing voters, oblivious to the tedious political panorama, to look to him as a possible way out of the bad administration of the last Brazilian presidents.

Left and right-wing institutes promote analyzes of their profile, stamping this or that attitude as favorable or unfavorable to the development of Brazil.

However, if Sérgio Moro wants to make a difference and not just repeat the story of disillusioned politicians, he must seek a solution that: reduces the Brazilian political machine; favor free enterprise; promote the reduction of taxes and the tax burden; reduce benefits and favors from politicians.

Just talking about anti-corruption will not take Moro to the Planalto, unless he convinces voters who are already determined not to participate in the next elections, and are already configured as 1/3 of the Brazilian electorate.

His voice should convince this slice. Will Moro does that or are he just playing a role, as Bolsonaro did in 2018?